EDUCATION
ADMINISTRATION AND SUPERVISION IN PAKISTAN
BEFORE
AND AFTERTHE DEVOLUTION OF EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN
INTRODUCTION
Pakistan
is in the process of devolving significant service delivery responsibilities
from its four provincial governments to 6,455 local self-governments.
The
major de jure change facing the education sector is the transfer of the
responsibilities for recruiting, paying, and managing teachers and headmasters
from the provincial ministry of education to the district governments where a
newly created position—the Executive District Officer [EDO] for
education—reports directly to a newly created District Coordination Officer [DCO],
who in turn reports to an elected Nazim [mayor] and elected District
Council. In addition, each province has
crafted its own law or regulation creating popularly elected School Management
Councils [SMCs] with the authority to receive government funding and to decide
on the allocation of funds.
The transfer
of responsibilities has been accompanied by a transfer of revenues from
provincial to district governments. However, there are still many problems in
the implementation of the devolution plan.
Many district education staff do not know their own terms of reference;
some are confused as to the roles of the new district cadres and who is their
employer; the authority of the SMCs to help manage teachers [e.g., to monitor
their attendance] is in some legal question; and the district-level capacity to
manage large budgets and civil service bureaucracies, mostly teachers, is in
some doubt. Of particular concern is the
financial management capacity of district governments.
Numerous other
questions can be asked about the devolution of education in Pakistan. Will the new structure improve parent/voter
“voice”, or will the political process be captured by either the local elite or
the district bureaucracy? Will it
improve the accountability of the education bureaucracy to beneficiaries, on
one hand, and to the newly elected district political officials, on the
other? Does the new system change the
incentives facing key actors and thus alter their behavior, or does the fact
that few faces have changed in the bureaucracy mean the lack of behavioral
change as well? Which level of
government is now responsible for some important responsibilities, e.g.,
compensatory education programs to improve equity? What is the role of public-private partnerships
[e.g., the adopt-a-school programs], and which level of government is
responsible for setting the rules of the game and supervising those
partnerships? How will newly elected
bodies—e.g., the SMCs—and newly recruited officials—e.g., the EDOs—develop new
management and political skills? Will
Pakistan learn from its successes and mistakes in devolution, or will the same
mistakes be repeated? It is premature to
try to answer these questions, but it’s important that a monitoring and
learning process be put in place to permit answers in, say, two years’ time.
THE EDUCATIONAL
CONTEXT OF DEVOLUTION
Devolution in Pakistan is occurring in
the context of low educational attainment, poor coverage, and highly unequal
access—across income groups, between urban and rural populations, and between
males and females.
THE DEVOLUTION OF EDUCATION
This
devolution plan, designed by the National Reconstruction Board [NRB], entails
transferring responsibilities—including primary-secondary education--and
revenues from provincial to district level governments.
More details on the nature of devolution of
education in Pakistan follow.
1.FISCAL
DECENTRALIZATION:
Prior to devolution, provincial governments
received most of their revenues [82 percent in 2000-01] from a pool of shared
revenues collected nationally.
This revenue sharing does not change under
devolution. What does change is that
provincial governments are required to devise mechanisms to in turn transfer
revenues to district level governments, and district level governments are
empowered to share their revenues with sub-district level governments. The revenue transfers from provinces to
districts will be in the form of formula-driven block grants, which will not be
earmarked for specific uses.
2.CIVIL
SERVICE DECENTRALIZATION:
Prior to devolution, most civil servants
belonged either to the Federal or provincial cadres [several municipalities
also had their own employees]. High
level provincial education officials belonged to the Federal cadre, as did the
appointed District Coordination Officer.
District education officers, teachers and other education officials
belonged to the provincial cadre.
Devolution has created a third, district cadre
of civil servants, and teachers and most district education officials are to be
transferred from the provincial to the district cadres. This means that most education staff will now
directly report to district government administrators. Ironically, this does not mean that district
governments will set the pay of district civil servants. Pay levels will continue to be set
nationally.
3.EXPENDITURE
DECENTRALIZATION:
Prior to devolution, education budgets and
expenditures were determined by provincial officials at the provincial level of
government.
Subsequent
to devolution, district officials will determine education budgets and
expenditures, excepting for those standard-setting and monitoring functions
remaining at the provincial and Federal levels.
In addition, both the provincial and Federal governments will make
additional transfers to the districts earmarked for specific educational uses
[e.g., the different “windows” of the new Federal Education Sector Reform].
4.NEW ROLES
AND RESPONSIBILITIES: The de jure new roles and responsibilities
of the different levels of government, from the Federal level down to the newly
created, elected School Management Committee [SMC] are shown in Table 1.
Table 1: ROLES AND RESPONSIBILITIES UNDER
DEVOLUTION
Level of Government
|
Federal
|
Provincial
|
District
|
Tehsil
|
School
|
Community [SMC]
|
Teacher
Pay
|
S
|
|
P
|
|
|
|
Teacher Recruitment
|
S
|
|
P
|
|
|
|
Teacher Transfer
|
|
|
P
|
|
|
|
Teacher Evaluation
|
|
|
P
|
|
S
|
|
Teacher Training
|
|
P
|
S
|
|
|
|
Regulation of Private Schools
|
|
P
|
?
|
|
|
|
Finance
|
S
|
S
|
P
|
|
|
|
Curriculum
|
P
|
S
|
|
|
|
|
School Construction
|
|
|
P
|
|
|
|
School Maintenance
|
|
|
|
|
P
|
S
|
Evaluation
|
P
|
|
|
|
|
|
Inspection
|
|
|
P
|
|
|
|
Compensatory Education
|
SH
|
SH
|
|
|
|
|
P=primary
responsibility;
S=secondary
responsibility;
SH=shared
responsibility
De
facto the educational system is still in transition, with many education
personnel considering themselves to still be provincial staff, with district
education budgets still largely defined at the provincial level, and with some
provinces still defining the composition and responsibilities of the school
management committees [SMC].[1]
Federal
Role: Under devolution, the Federal Government is
responsible for:
1.
Setting teacher pay levels,
2.
Defining required teacher credentials,
3.
Setting the national core curriculum, and
4.
Assessing student performance through a
national examination.
5.
Through the allocation of funds, it,
also, plays a shared role in ensuring equity in education. However, its role in the new system in
ensuring disadvantaged children have access to schooling is still not
defined.
Provincial
Role: The provincial governments have a much more
restricted role under devolution than was true pre-devolution. They retain:
1.
primary responsibility for pre-service
teacher training and
2.
share responsibility for in-service training
with the district governments.
3.
Potentially, they have an important role to
play in ensuring equity in access to schooling, and they can play other
important roles in influencing curriculum and ensuring quality should they wish
to exercise those roles.
District
Role: The district governments have acquired
significantly greater responsibilities under devolution. Some of them are the
following:
1.
Control
of personnel: Education is a labor intensive
service, and which level of government controls personnel functions by and
large defines whether education is decentralized or not. Under devolution, the responsibility for
paying and managing teachers clearly lies at the level of the district, even
though teacher pay levels and teacher educational requirements are set
nationally. This is a significant
change from the pre-devolution arrangement where provincial governments managed
and paid teachers.
2.
Control
over Education finance: Education finance is another key
variable in defining decentralization.
Here, too, the primary responsibility under devolution lies with the
district government. While the source of
revenues is Federal revenues transferred on to the provinces and retransferred
on to the districts, it is the district which will decide how much to spend on
education vs. other public services for which it is responsible.
3.
Control
over determining the location and timing of new school facilities: Finally,
the district governments have acquired lead responsibilities in deciding where
to locate new schools and how to finance their construction and in inspecting
schools to ensure they comply with standards and in carrying out the annual
evaluation of teachers and headmasters.
Sub-district community organizations called Community Development Boards
[CDBs] may, also, play an important role
in determining the location and timing of new school facilities; their precise
role is still undefined.
5.KEY
ACTORS: Devolution has altered the roles and
responsibilities of key actors in the education system. As shown in Table 2, the province-level
actors have reduced responsibilities with respect to the day to day management
of the education sector. They could, of
course, assume new—and even more important--responsibilities for monitoring,
ensuring quality, providing technical assistance, and stimulating change, but
to do so would require a difficult change of mindset and, most likely,
replacement of many existing staff by
new recruits with the newly required skills.
Table 2: Key Actors and Their Responsibilities.
Name
|
Core Responsibilities
|
Recruitment
|
Notes
|
Provincial
Minister of Education
|
Acts as the spokesperson for education in the
Provincial Assembly
|
Appointed by Provincial Chief Minister
|
No change in core responsibilities and
recruitment.
However, in some provinces has relinquished role
of hiring, firing and transferring of teachers and other professional staff
|
Provincial
Secretary of Education
|
Advises on policy issues; Acts as Chief
Executive Officer of the Department of Education and is responsible to
implement and evaluate policies and plans in the province
|
Appointed by the Provincial Minister of
Education from the DMG of the Federal Civil Service
|
No change in responsibilities and recruitment.
|
Director,
Primary Education &Literacy
|
Has power to appoint and transfer staff at B-16 level and above; coordinates between
Government and District Administration;
makes arrangements for teacher training;
responsible for setting and monitoring policy and standards in primary
education.
|
Recruited from Provincial Civil
Service-Education
|
In NWFP and Balochistan, the EDO, Education
reports to this officer as well as the DCO
|
Division
Education Officer
|
Had responsibility for overall coordination and
management of the education sector at the division level.
|
Recruited from Provincial Civil
Service-Education
|
Position abolished; functions moved to the EDO,
Education.
|
Name
|
Core
Responsibilities
|
Recruitment
|
Notes
|
District Nazim
|
Is the district political officer responsible
for education, including proposing the education budget to the District
[Zila] Council and, appointing the District Coordinating Officer [DCO].
|
Indirectly elected by Chairpersons of Union
Councils
|
Three-year
tenure
|
District Coordinating Officer [DCO]
|
Coordinates district administration; appoints
and reviews performance of District Officers, including Executive District
Officer [EDO].
|
Recruited from the DMG of the Federal Civil
Service
|
Replaces the former Deputy Commissioner in a
district; Reports to the elected Nazim
|
Executive District Officer [EDO] (Education)
|
Prepares comprehensive district development
plan; implements and monitors educational activities; prepares and controls
budget; Monitors and supervises public and private educational institutions;
Approves procurement of goods and the appointment, transfer, promotion,
selection, and leave of teachers and other education staff; has overall
responsibility for annual performance evaluations.
|
Recruited from Provincial Civil
Service-Education
|
New post under Local Government Ordinance [LGO]
|
District Education Officer [DEO] (Male & Female)
|
Supervision and monitoring of schools; reports
to EDO; there are separate DEOs for different branches/levels of schools.
|
Recruited from Provincial Civil
Service-Education
|
No change in responsibility and recruitment
|
Assistant DEO
|
Located
at the sub-district level; directly reports to the DEO; writes annual performance
evaluations of headmasters and teachers.
|
Recruited from
Provincial Civil Service-Education
|
|
Learning
Coordinator
|
Gives demonstration
lessons to teachers; Advises on classroom management, and Reports teacher absenteeism
|
Selected on the
basis of seniority.
|
Eliminated in some provinces [e.g., NWFP].
|
Tehsil
Nazim
|
Formulate
& implement strategies for development of municipal infrastructure
and
improvement of delivery of the municipal services of the tehsil;
|
Indirectly elected by vice chairpersons of the
Union Councils
|
|
Union
Nazim
|
Participates in Sectoral Monitoring Committees
including education; Approves Annual Development Plan and budgetary proposals
of the Union Administration; Facilitates the formation and functioning of the
Citizen Community Boards
|
Directly elected
|
|
Citizen
Community Board [CCB] representatives
|
Mobilizes resources to improve schools; voices
community concerns to local government
|
Selected by Union Councils
|
PTAs/SMCs are being merged with CCBs in Sindh to
legitimize them legally and constitutionally
|
President
of School Management Committee [SMC]
|
Function of the SMC is to provide general
support for maintenance of school facility, monitoring of teachers &
checking absenteeism
|
Elected by members of the Committee who are
directly elected.
|
|
Headmaster
|
Directly supervises teachers; coordinates with
SMC
|
Promoted
within Provincial teacher cadre.
|
Usually a member of the SMC; formerly was
automatically the SMC President.
|
Teacher
|
Provides classroom instruction and administers
tests
|
Recruited by
Provincial Public Service Commission
|
To be recruited from a District Cadre under LGO
|
Parents
|
Elect members of SMC, Union councilor, member of
Provincial Parliament.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
The
district level officials have acquired new roles and greater responsibilities
for managing education. However, with
the exception of the EDO, Education, there have been almost no changes in the
individuals holding key staffing positions.
Hence, while they sometimes have additional and changed
responsibilities, they may find it difficult to effectively assume their new
roles. One should not underestimate the significance
of the newly created position of EDO, Education. For the first time, there exists someone at
the district level who has responsibility for the entire education sector, as
opposed to a particular branch within the sector. Hence, districts should be better able to
make the difficult decisions about how to allocate resources across branches
and levels of education.
Finally, it is important to note that
the selection of and the responsibilities of the headmaster remain essentially
unchanged. Thus, the individual with
the most local knowledge and, thus, arguably the best-informed to make local
resource decisions does not have the authority [and, in some cases, the
capacity] to do so.
DEVOLUTION AND
ACCOUNTABILITY
One
objective of the devolution of government in Pakistan is to improve service
delivery by increasing the accountability of decision-makers to their
clients. This is done by moving
decisions closer to the client and introducing a governance structure which
allows clients to select [and remove] those local decision-makers. Figure 1 illustrates the new governance
structure in education.
Figure 1: GOVERNANCE OF EDUCATION UNDER DEVOLUTION
*elected
**political appointment
|
President
|
Federal Minister of
eeducationEEducation**
|
Provincial Minister of
Education**
|
Secretary of Education
|
Executive District Officer (Ed.
& Lit.)
|
Schools
|
VOTERS
|
School Management Committees*
|
Community Development Boards
|
Nazim/Union Council
|
Nazim/Tehsil Council*
|
Nazim/District Council*
|
District
Coordination Officer
|
Chief
Minister of Provincial Government*
|
Provincial
Governor**
|
Provincial Assembly*
|
Under the new political structure,
the voter/client of the school has four avenues for expressing her/his
views. First, the voter elects members
of the SMC, which at present has
Under the new
political structure, the voter/client of the school has four avenues for
expressing her/his views. First, the
voter elects members of the SMC, which at present has responsibilities limited
to minor school maintenance and supply, although the SMC could assume
significantly larger responsibilities in the future. Second, the voter can participate in and help
select members of the Community Development Boards [CDB] which do not yet
function but which may play an important role in deciding school infrastructure
investments. Third, the voter directly
elects members of the Union Council who indirectly select the members of the
tehsil and district councils. And,
fourth, the voter directly elects the members of the provincial assembly who
approve the chief minister of the provincial government and indirectly approve
the provincial minister of education.
While the voter/client has several
avenues for expressing her/his voice, there are at least four factors which
constrain accountability with respect to education. First, the voter only indirectly
elects the district council and the district nazim, who are now the key
decision-makers at the local level.
Second, both the district and provincial governments are general
purpose, so it is difficult to interpret votes; a negative vote may reflect
dissatisfaction with one of several sectors.
Third, voters have relatively little objective information on the
performance of their schools on which to base their votes. And, fourth, the very limited decision-making
powers of the school headmaster means that where voters have the most voice the
consequences matter least.
In sum, until the voter/client has
better information and a more direct link to education decision-makers, and
until the school headmaster has greater authority and responsibility,
devolution is unlikely to significantly improve accountability in Pakistan.
MAJOR RISKS AND CHALLENGES
Pakistan
has embarked on a radical devolution of government, including the education
sector, significantly changing the roles of key actors and levels of government. Fully implementing this devolution would be
difficult in any country, especially one facing significant human resource
constraints. To be successful in terms
of improving educational services and strengthening accountability will require
the following:
- Quickly
resolving ambiguities concerning the roles and
responsibilities of diverse actors and levels of government.
- Reengineering
and restructuring of the public education bureaucracy at all
levels of government.
- Building
capacity
to carry out new roles and responsibilities at all levels of government
but, especially, at the provincial and district levels.
- Creating
from scratch a system of education finance which ensures
equity and provides incentives for improving access and quality.
- Putting
in place a system of real accountability to
the beneficiaries and the sources of finance of public education.
- Creating
a system of learning with short feedback loops into
policy and practice.
1.Resolving Ambiguities. Ambiguities
concerning roles and responsibilities often results in lack of action. In Pakistan, it is clear that key actors in
the system are unclear as to their roles and responsibilities under
decentralization. To some extent this
lack of clarity could be resolved through training and better
communication. However, the lack of
detailed terms of reference also contributes to ambiguity—in the minds of both
educators and government officials—concerning who is responsible for what.
Mirroring
ambiguities about the duties of education officials are ambiguities concerning
the roles and responsibilities of different levels of government. While many responsibilities are in any case
shared, there needs to be clarity concerning how those responsibilities are divided
and which level of government takes the lead for which functions. Of special concern is ambiguity about which
level of government is responsible for ensuring equity, for ensuring learning
from experience, and for building capacity.
Also, of concern is ambiguity concerning which level of government is
responsible for planning, financing, and delivering the in-service and
pre-service teacher training so critical to raising the quality of
instruction.
Another
ambiguity not resolved in current devolution plans is the role of the teacher
unions. Unions have in the past
successfully fought back attempts to increase parental participation in school
governance. While their voice is
currently suppressed, there is no reason to expect that their views and opposition
to devolution have changed substantially.
Thus, unless the unions are involved in the devolution dialogue, it is
likely that they will become obstacles to devolution once the political scene
is liberalized.
2.Reengineering the
Bureacracy. To the
extent the responsibilities and functions of different levels of government
have changed, there is a need to reengineer and restructure the public
education bureaucracy. While the need is
obvious at the district level, it is at least as important at the provincial
level. Provincial ministries are
designed to manage a large and complex bureaucracy, but they no longer have
much responsibility for day to day management of the system. They now should have a different mission—to
guide, motivate, and facilitate actions by district governments and district
level officials to deliver education services equitably, efficiently, and of
adequate quality. The tools to carry out
this mission are those of financial incentives, setting standards, providing
technical assistance, and providing information to district officials and the
public alike. The capacity to design the
policies and procedures to make these tools effective is by and large lacking
at present in education ministries, although some of this capacity does exist
in the autonomous education foundations (e.g., the Sindh Education Foundation)
and NGO and university think tanks with close ties to government.
3.Building Capacity. While the provincial education ministries
need to be reengineered, far more important than the organograms and mission
statements of those ministries is the human resource capacity to carry out the
new functions. Similarly, at the
district level there is the need to create
the capacity to plan and manage budgets and human resources that their
new functions require. In the short-run,
the lack of capacity is addressed by the districts in part through relying on
incremental budgeting [where the FY03 budget is determined by adding 10 to the
FY02 budget categories]. And at the level of the school there is the need to
create the capacity for citizens to effectively participate in the governance,
and in some cases management, of the schools.
While much of this capacity needs to be developed within the education
sector, the lack of capacity outside the sector—e.g., in district budgeting and
financial management—can also adversely affect the sector.
Building
capacity will require a comprehensive and sustained effort that not only
imparts new skills but, also, changes values and behaviors. Short term training courses are unlikely to
have much real impact. Rather, the
national and provincial education ministries should be developing permanent
programs for increasing capacity and, also, should be working with district
governments to develop district-level training programs for district staff and
citizens involved with the management and governance of the sector.
4.Ensuring Adequate
Education Finance.
The new system of intergovernmental finance in Pakistan calls for
education being financed from three sources:
district government own-source revenues, provincial non-earmarked block
grants to the districts, and ad hoc federal education grants to the provinces
and districts (e.g., the money transferred under the ESR). This system ensures
neither equity nor adequate financing for education in a country where many
primary school age children still lack access to school, where the quality of
schooling is deficient, and where the poor and girls lack equitable access.
The
multiple objectives of education finance require multiple instruments. Either the national and/or provincial
governments should introduce standards for minimum quality of education and
create the financial mechanism to ensure every district has an education budget
adequate to meet those standards. There
are several intergovernmental finance models which Pakistan could draw on for
ideas, including the Brazilian model of Federal transfers to ensure minimum
spending per pupil and the US model of state/provincial transfers to do the
same. In addition to ensuring adequate
spending per pupil to meet minimum education standards, there is a need to
provide incentives to districts to rapidly increase coverage, something which
provincial block grants to districts do not do.
These incentives could be in the form of capitation funding formulas or
“contracts” with communities to create and manage their own schools, which may
mean expanding the scope of the mission of the provincial education
foundations. Finally, there is the need to ensure that specific groups—the
poor, girls, ethnic or tribal groups—have adequate access to schooling through
the creation and financing of special programs addressed to these specific
groups. In the case of the poor, the
special program may be a stipend paid to poor families to send children to
school. In the case of girls, the
program may be scholarships to attend private girls’ schools. In the case of ethnic or tribal groups, the
program may be the creation of bilingual curriculum or training of bilingual teachers. In most federal countries, programs to meet
the needs of special groups typically fall under the purview of the national
government, although progressive provincial governments may initiate their own
policies and programs to meet these equity goals.
5.Creating Real
Accountability.
For real accountability, the consumers/beneficiaries of educational
services and those who supply the financing for education require information
on the outcomes and uses of funds and need mechanisms to provide incentives for
good performance. This implies that they
need “voice”, or the means to express their views and they need mechanisms to
reward good performance and penalize bad
performance. These ingredients in the
recipe for accountability are by and large lacking.
The
consumers of public education in Pakistan have great difficulty in finding
information on the outcomes of schooling.
Information on student learning, for example, is not available at the
level of the district, much less the level of the school or the individual
student. Parents have a newly found
“voice” in their ability to vote for school management councils and local and
provincial public officials. However,
the linkage between the election of public officials and educational
performance is dubious.
6.Creating Learning. There are no recipes for the implementation
of a decentralized educational system that efficiently produces quality
education with equity. The historical
and cultural context of each country is different, which means that the
appropriate model of decentralization and the best implementation strategy is
specific to each country. Also, within
each country one can always find examples of ugly failure and great success
within the public education system. One
of the challenges for government is to quickly learn lessons from these
failures and successes so that these lessons may be fed back into fine-tuning
the design and implementation strategy.
Pakistan needs to carefully monitor both
the process and the outcomes of education devolution in order to
identify and understand best practice.
While it is relatively easy to monitor intermediate measures of
outcomes—enrollment rates, teacher attendance, expenditures per pupil, etc.—it
is equally important to monitor processes—community participation, decision
making practices, the flow of funds, etc.—in order to be able to interpret both
unusually good and unusually bad performance.
There is no institutionalized mechanism at present, at any level of
government, which attempts to do this monitoring and to systematically feed
back best practice into the design and implementation of education policy. While this could take place at either the
provincial or national level, it is most likely at the national level where the
wide variety of Pakistani experience—across provinces and across schools—can
best be analyzed, interpreted, and disseminated.
Federal Education
Sector Reform
The Federal Ministry of Education has
initiated a 2001-2004 Action Plan in support of Education Sector Reform [ESR],
which has the objective of meeting the long term human development goals of the
country as specified in the National Education Policy, the Interim Poverty
Reduction Strategy Paper, and the Education for All National Plan of Action. These goals address the low educational
attainment, lack of access to schooling, and educational inequities identified
earlier in this report. The ESR is also
designed to facilitate the country’s process of education devolution through
improving information on the performance of the educational system and building
local capacity, although these activities represent only 12 percent of the
overall projected expenditure of the ESR, which is an add-on to the regular
Federal budget for education.
The total estimated cost of the ESR Action
Plan is $1.05 billion, with about 40 percent of the total to be allocated to
primary education. The bulk of ESR
expenditure at the level of primary education would be allocated to improving
and expanding the physical infrastructure.
About 2 percent of ESR expenditure would be allocated to capacity
building at the district level. In
addition, the ESR would support institutional changes, especially the
development of parent-teacher associations, in the Islamabad Capital Territory
[ICT]. While the direct support of
the ESR for the institution and capacity building required under devolution is
relatively small, most of the funding at the levels of primary and technical
education would be channeled through the district governments, thus providing
an important source of additional education financing.[2] Also, the creation under the ESR of a
national testing system promises to provide citizens with an important, and
until now lacking, source of information concerning the quality of schooling.
The Federal Government has by and large
left to the provincial governments the responsibility for providing technical
assistance and building capacity at the district level and below in the
education sector. With the assistance
of the Federal Government, the provincial governments have already held
provincial and district workshops to identify capacity building requirements.[3] Given the facts that the Federal Government
through the NRB has initiated the devolution process in Pakistan, that the
provincial education bureaucracies cannot be expected to enthusiastically
support education devolution, and that the Federal MOE is proactive vis a vis
the provinces with respect to other educational objectives, the Federal
Government should continue to work with provinces and districts to support the
process of devolution.
ANNEX I:
Punjab: Structure of the
Education Civil Service
Pre-Devolution
1. The senior most positions in the
secretariat of the provincial departments of education were members of the
Civil Service of Pakistan (CSP). Although nominally under the control of the
provincial governments, they were in reality members of various federal
government cadres, e.g. the District Management Group (DMG), the accounts
cadre, etc. The other senior staff specifically the Section Officers (BPS 17),
along with the junior staff (BPS 5-16) were members of the Provincial
Secretarial Service. None of the senior or junior staff would expect to stay
long in the education departments.
2. While occupying these provincial
positions, career concerns of individual staff members focused for the most
part on fulfilling the requirements for promotion to more senior positions in
their own federal cadre in the province, to senior positions in Islamabad, and
even to overseas positions. Such concerns were legitimate, but the result was
ambivalence in their functioning, i.e. they could promote policies that favored
their federal careers and the Federal Ministry of Education rather than
policies that favored the betterment of elementary education in their
respective provinces.
3. Further down the chain of command in
the provinces, the directors for education and their staff, e.g. divisional and
district officers, LCs and teachers, were also under the control of federal
civil servants: the Commissioner (for the divisions), the Deputy Commissioner
(for the districts), and the Assistant Commissioner (for the tehsils). Additionally,
members of the federal accounts cadre had a major role in the financial matters
of the districts.
4. Other components of the
all-pervasive influence of the federal government over elementary education in
Punjab were:
a) the division of
personnel into classes; e.g. officers, non-gazetted staff (below BPS 16) and
Class IV staff (BPS 1-4),
b) the salary
structure, i.e. the BP 1 to 22 structure with 15 increments per grade in the
lower grades and 10 and less increments in the higher grades;
c) the inclusion of
educational personnel in salary and other structures designed for clerical,
administrative and executive personnel;
d) the use of ranks
rather than positions to classify staff
All these were
federally determined. Matthews (1995)
commented that “On the whole it would be better
for elementary education in Punjab if there were fewer (or even no) federal civil servants working
in and directly influencing elementary education in Punjab, and if there was a
single education service which allowed staff to be more mobile, had its own
salary structure related directly to the needs of education personnel, and had
a position-based rather than rank-based structure for educational personnel”
(Matthews 1995:84)
5. Promotion was strictly by seniority,
each cadre having its own seniority list. Hence, in regard to DPI EE staff
there were many seniority lists—one for each of the 113 tehsils for primary
school teachers, one for each of the thirty four districts for middle school
teachers and others for other personnel.
6. While administrative service staff
would not be appointed to the DOE, professional, ministerial and Class IV staff
would expect to spend their careers in the DOE, PSS staff would expect to be
transferred from time to time from one provincial government department to
another, while CSP staff (including the DMG group and the Accounts cadre) would
expect transfer within and between the departments of the Governments of
Pakistan and the provinces.
7. The result of there being gazetted
and non-gazetted staff, cadre specific seniority lists and the various transfer
possibility was that persons working in the same office could belong to
different cadres (and unions, associations and the like) and would not
necessarily be committed to the same administrative and managerial ends as each
other (p.23). Illustrative of these staffing structures, below is a chart that
maps the organization of professional staff positioned within the Punjab
Department of Education prior to the LGO 2001.
Punjab Education Professional Staff Hierarchy (Pre-Ordinance)*
Basic Pay Scale
|
Field Office
|
Positions
|
Recruitment
|
|
Provincial
|
Secretary of Education (1)
|
Political appointment, civil service (Federal DMG cadre)
|
20 & 21
|
Provincial
|
Director of Public Instruction (Elementary Education) (1)
|
Professional staff either transferred or promoted from the
ranks of professionals in the schools.
|
19 &20
|
Provincial
|
Additional Director of Public Instruction (EE) (1)
|
|
19 & 20
|
Provincial
|
Director of Schools
|
|
19 & 20
|
Division
|
Divisional Director of Education
|
|
18
|
Division
|
Deputy Divisional Director of Education (EE)
|
|
18
|
District
|
District Education Officer (EE) Male and Female
|
Promoted from DDEO, secondary school headmaster position or
a secondary school subject specialist or transferred from one of these three
categories.
|
17
|
Tehsil
|
Deputy District Education Officer (EE) Male and Female
|
Have been SSTs and have had 5 years admin. experience, most
likely as a Headmaster of a secondary school.
|
16**
|
Markaz
|
Assistant Education Officer (1,195)
|
At least 5 years experience as a secondary school teacher
(SSC).
|
11
|
Union Council
|
Learning Coordinators (4,844)
|
PST teachers progress up the seniority list until they
reach the top. At that point they are offered the choice of becoming an LC.
|
9 to 15
|
Middle Schools
|
Teachers (51,049)
|
Selected after Matric at the end of Class XII. Application
process through GCET and award of Cert. of Teaching. Appointed by DEO in the
district from which they are recruited.
|
7 to 11
|
Primary Schools
|
Teachers (121,492)
|
Selected after Matric, i.e. end of Class X by application
process of GCET. Once PSTC*** is awarded, teacher is hired by ed. Officer
within the tehsil cadre.
|
*The DOE of Punjab was one of few departments to have staff
and offices at all administrative levels from Provincial headquarters to the
union councils and even lower to the schools.
**Gazetted officers are those in BPS 16 and above and can be
in charge of other personnel.
***Primary (School) Teacher Certificate
1.2 Punjab—Ministerial Staff assigned in various work locations, i.e. Secretariat,
Division, District, etc.
Basic Pay Scale
|
Field Office
|
Positions
|
Recruitment
|
Ministerial Staff BPS 5-17
|
|||
17
|
DOE, Division, District,
Tehsil, or Markaz
|
Assistant Director
|
Members of this cadre are recruited directly by the Punjab
Public Service Commission for administrative positions in the Education
Department. The ranks up which ministerial staff can be promoted are shown in
the first column. Staff can be promoted to provincial positions of extra
assistant director and assistant director in the province’s divisions and
provincial office but no further. Ministerial staff expect to stay in the one
department throughout their career.
|
16
|
|
Superintendent
|
|
16
|
|
Extra Assistant Director
|
|
15 & 16
|
|
Sr. Stenographer
|
|
12 to 14
|
|
Stenographer
|
|
11 to 15
|
|
Assistant
|
|
7 to 10
|
|
Sr. Clerk
|
|
5 to 6
|
|
Jr. Clerk
|
|
Class IV
Staff: BPS 1-4
|
|
Peons, drivers, daftari, sweeper, chowkidar, etc
|
Locally recruited by concerned office. There is no promotion track.
|
8. Promotion was strictly by seniority,
each cadre having its own seniority list. Hence, in regard to Punjab DPI EE
staff, for example, there were many seniority lists—one for each of the 113
tehsils for primary school teachers, one for each of the thirty four districts
for middle school teachers and others for other personnel.
9. While administrative service staff
would not be appointed to the DOE, professional, ministerial and Class IV staff
would expect to spend their careers in the DOE, PSS staff would expect to be
transferred from time to time from one Government of Punjab department to
another, while CSP staff (including the DMG group and the Accounts cadre) would
expect transfer within and between the departments of the Governments of
Pakistan and Punjab.
10. The result of there being gazetted and
non-gazetted staff, cadre specific seniority lists and the various transfer
possibility was that persons working in the same office could belong to different
cadres (and unions, associations and the like) and would not necessarily be
committed to the same administrative and managerial ends as each other (p.23).
Work Locations in Punjab
falling under Elementary Education
(1995)
11. The following division of work levels draws on the
pre-Ordinance structure which existed in Pakistan prior to the devolution
policy. The designations in the Punjab are illustrative of the multi tier
hierarchy:
1. Directorate of Public Instruction—Elementary
Education (DPI—EE)
The DPI_EE is headed by a
Director who is selected on the basis of seniority from among the education
professionals. He was responsible to the Secretary of Education for all
elementary education activity in Punjab. He is assisted by Additional Director
of Public Instruction, three Directors and seven Assistant Directors. These
staff were assigned the following responsibilities:
Budgeting
(both development and non-development budgets;
Utilization
of funds allocated under the Social Action Program
Preparation
of submissions for projects
Scholarships
for elementary education students;
Fellowships
for elementary education staff;
Planning
Academic
matters
Personnel
administration (male and female);
Filling of
vacant positions in the Directorate;
Staffing of
schools
Conducting
enquiries and handling minor punishments against teachers;
Oversight of
recruitment activities (BPS 1-7 for
Tehsils; BPS 9-12 for Districts; BPS 15-16 for Divisions; and BPS 17 for the
Pakistan Civil Service;
Promoting
staff BPS 17 and higher
Processing
applications for transfer (BPS 1-19);
Processing
of interdivisional transfers;
Processing
applications of leave outside Pakistan
Processing
general matters, development, accounts, etc.
School
management committees
Neglected
schools and school adoption programs;
Conducting
surveys and examinations.
(1995:68)
The DPI-EE is staffed with the
establishment of Ministerial Staff and Level IV Staff.
2. Division
Each division is headed by the
Director of Education (Elementary Education), who is assisted by the Deputy
Director of Education. They are supported by Assistant Directors, Ministerial
and Grade IV staff. One of the
ministerial staff is the registrar (who is the Extra Assistant Director), who
assists in conducting Class VIII exams for scholarships and promotion to Class
IX throughout the division.
The Division Officers’ major
tasks are:
To manage
their own offices and staffs, including hearing complaints;
To promote
the improvement of education and literacy throughout the division;
To approve
re-appropriations within the division (a power delegated by the Secretary);
To draft the
budget for the division office;
To ensure
that within the division construction of school buildings is actually taking
place and to forward progress reports to the DPI EE;
To change
the approved sites for proposed primary schools if they are of the opinion that
it is the wrong place to build a school;
To oversee
all development projects within the division;
To ensure
that all schools are following the approved curriculum;
To oversee
the conduct of all Class VIII examinations and to determine which examinees
should get scholarships for Class IX study;
To implement
incentive programs for teachers;
To represent
the Government of Punjab in all litigation cases involving teachers and other
division staff;
To represent
the Government of Punjab in all litigation cases about land for schools;
Liaise with
other departments and agencies in the division;
To inspect
all DDEOs and some LCs; and
To approve
requests for interdivisional transfers.
(1995:66)
3. District
There were 34 districts (plus the
Cantonment in Lahore) in Punjab prior to the Ordinance 2000. Each district had
two elementary education offices, and each office was headed by a District
Education Officer Male (DEO-M) and a District Education Officer Female (DEO-F).
In some districts, DEOs were assisted by a Deputy District Education Officer. A
person becomes a DEO because through vacancies which he or she are senior
enough to qualify.
The main tasks of a DEO were:
To visit (10 days per month), and supervise
the management of mosque, primary, middle, private and municipal (up to middle
school) and Department of Social Welfare schools in the district;
To supervise
the construction, opening and staffing of new schools;
To supervise
the upgrading of existing schools;
To oversee
the maintenance of schools;
To oversee
the various development plans for school buildings and facilities;
To select
new sites for schools whose premises have been resumed by owners;
To ensure
that in the schools the teacher are following the approved curriculum;
To assist
teacher training and improvement;
To oversee
existing and assist in forming of new school management committees;
To select
teachers for in-service training;
To organize
special district wide events and the district component of provincial and
national events;
To appoint
middle school teachers and consolidate the middle school cadre seniority lists
an d decide the award of selection grade and transfer of staff;
To liaise
with other government agencies and local councils in regard to the delivery of
educational services.
(1995:63)
Each District Office was staffed
with established Ministerial and Grade IV personnel.
4. Tehsil
Each Tehsil had a DDEO F and a
DDEO M who were supported by ministerial staff (an assistant and two junior
clerks) and by Class IV staff (peon and a driver). The number of schools that
DDEOs directly supervised in Punjab ranged from 32 to 835. Their main tasks
were:
To visit all
primary and middle schools in their tehsil in the year (ten working days were
to be spent on field visits);
To supervise
AEOs, PSTs, MSTs and Lcs in their tehsil;
To appoint
PSTs and Class IV employees;
To write the
annual confidential reports (ACR) for the AEOs, and the HTs;
For DDEO
males only to purchase and distribute learning materials for schools.
(1995:59)
5. Markaz
AEOs were appointed to each
Markaz and were responsible for a specific group of schools called a “circle”.
In some Markazes there was both an AEO male and and AEO female for supervision
of boys and girls schools. Their main
activities included:
To supervise
those primary and middle schools in their “circle”
To write
ACRs for all primary school teachers and LCs in their “circle”;
To collect
data as required by the DEO, DE and DPI EE;
To inspect
and report on the state of repairs of school buildings;
To check
primary school teacher and student registers; and
To encourage
parents to send their children to school for compulsory schooling and to
encourage adults to become literate.
(1995:58)
Some AEOs had junior clerks
attached to their offices.
6. Union Council
Learning Coordinators were posted
to each union council and worked with primary school teachers. Their main tasks were:
To give
demonstration lessons to teachers;
To advise on
classroom management;
To advise
teachers on various other educational matters; and
To report
teacher absenteeism to the AEO.
(1995:56)
[1]
The Local Government Ordinance of August 14, 2001, does not define the roles,
responsibilities and composition of the SMCs; these decisions were left to the
provincial governments, each of which is making somewhat different decisions.
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